Short version: The *loser* of the last Chicago mayoral election, which had record low turnouts, got more votes than the *winner* of the record-high turnout Iowa caucuses - and yet somehow based on that, in the whitest of white states and the most hick-filled of hick states, that dropped a half-dozen candidates out of the running?
Short version: The *loser* of the last Chicago mayoral election, which had record low turnouts, got more votes than the *winner* of the record-high turnout Iowa caucuses - and yet somehow based on that, in the whitest of white states and the most hick-filled of hick states, that dropped a half-dozen candidates out of the running?
(no subject)
Date: 2008-01-04 05:37 pm (UTC)However, most of the candidates being "dropped out of the running" were never in the race in the first place with an eye to actually winning their party nominations. In every election cycle, there are a number of candidates who run because they want to get certain issues out in front of the voters, and force the contending candidates to acknowledge and respond to those issues. This is why it's a big deal when the frontrunners block the fringe candidates from debates -- those fringe candidates force the frontrunners to address things the people might care about but the frontrunners don't have good answers for.
After the first contest or three, most of those candidates drop out of the race, because the frontrunners have the legitimate ability at that point to claim they're nuisances instead of legitimate candidates, so press coverage and the like drops to next to nothing. Several of these candidates had no intention of staying in the race regardless of how they did in Iowa.
One of the interesting elements of the Republican race this time out is Guiliani's strategy. He's focusing on a major delegate state -- Florida -- to the exclusion of the early bellweather contests, and he's trying to follow that up with a major win on Super Tuesday. As a result, he's likely to do the same kind of numbers as the spoiler/issues candidates in the early contests, but it's hard for the frontrunners to claim he's irrelevant given his polling numbers in those states. On the other hand, it's entirely possible that report after report of single digit percentages all through January will simply kill any chance Guiliani would have in those states he's focusing on, making this a futile gesture.
Which doesn't make Fengi wrong in any way -- this is a screwed up system nine ways from Sunday, and it's very very strange that next week I'm going to have a much greater impact on the future of the country than someone from Texas or California, by virtue of my living in Political Launchpad, New Hampshire. However, it's a touch out of place to blame the tiny percentages of farmers and white people for knocking out Joe Biden or Chris Dodd. Joe Biden and Chris Dodd weren't expecting any different.
(no subject)
Date: 2008-01-04 10:17 pm (UTC)I agree to a small extent with what he's saying, but the main reason I dislike his analogy is because he's comparing a party nomination to a general election. So there are more people in Chicago than in the whole state of Iowa? That wouldn't surprise me. It mostly sounds like he's whining that candidates with otherwise sound policy (Dodd) can't win elections, which has nothing to do with the process and more to do with the media and the machine it runs by. I mean, John Edwards, supreme policy dork that he is, still managed a third of the delegates. Allowing Iowa to go first with a convoluted process of voting is not the best way to nominate a candidate, but this sounds more like sour grapes than real analysis of the issue.
(no subject)
Date: 2008-01-05 01:57 am (UTC)We need serious reform, true, but need to address the little things, like how to make electronic hackable balloting seriously disappear forever.